Search result: 11 articles

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Jo Noppe
Vrij medewerker van het Centrum voor Politicologie van de KU Leuven in samenwerking met de secretariaten van de politieke partijen.

    According to our analysis of the campaign expenses declared by the Flemish candidates for the 2003 federal and the 2004 regional elections candidates of the three traditional parties spend, on average, about 70 à 80% of what they are allowed to. The impact of the spending limit is much smaller for the other parties, the candidates of which spend only about 50% of what they are allowed to. Incumbents and candidates who are also mayor in a municipality tend to spend more. The background characteristics of the candidates have almost no effect on the expenditures. There is only a small effect of gender, in the sense that women candidates spend less. On average, one third of the individual campaign expenditures is financed by the individual candidates, and two thirds by the party. However, in the liberal party the contribution of the party is substantially lower (35 à 40% on average), while it is higher (80% on average) in the socialist party as well as for female candidates


Bart Maddens
Hoofddocent aan het Centrum voor Politicologie, K.U.Leuven.

Karolien Weekers
Wetenschappelijk medewerker aan het Centrum voor Politicologie, K.U.Leuven.

Jo Noppe
Doctor in de sociale wetenschappen, K.U.Leuven.

Jo Noppe
Aspirant van het Fonds voor Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek – Vlaanderen, aan het Centrum voor Politologie van de K.U.Leuven, in samenwerking met de secretariaten van de politieke partijen.
Article

De samenstelling van de Belgische regeringen in 2003 en 2004

La composition des gouvernements belges en 2003 et 2004

Journal Res Publica, Issue 2-3 2004
Authors Jo Noppe

Jo Noppe

Jo Noppe

Jo Noppe

Jo Noppe

Jo Noppe
Article

Het uiteenvallen van de Volksunie en het ontstaan van de N-VA en Spirit

Een chronologisch en morfologisch overzicht (juni 1999 - juli 2002)

Journal Res Publica, Issue 2-3 2002
Authors Jo Noppe and Bram Wauters
Abstract

    At the Belgian parliamentary elections in June 1999, the Flemish nationalist party 'Volksunie' (VU) which formed an alliance with the social-liberal ID21 progressed slightly. On July 10, 1999, the party decided to participate in the purple-green-yellow Flemish government, but at the same time they decided to stay out of the federal Belgian government. Two years later, the VU-Party Bureau decided that due to deep divisions within the party it had become impossible for the party to continue. The 15.000 party members were asked to judge about the future of the party. Because no party project managed to obtain a 50 %-majority in the party member referendum, the VU dissappeared. Two new parties - the 'Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie' (N-VA) and 'Spirit' - emerged from the ruins of the VU. The collapse of the VU can be seen as the most far-reaching change in the Flemish party political context of the last decade. This article focusses on the last two and a half years of the VU and on the first year of the N-VA and Spirit (from June 1999 until July 2002). In a first part, achronological overview is build up. This part provides an overview «from day to day» of the events that played a role in the collapse of the VU and the creation of the N-VA and Spirit. The second part of the article draws amore morphological picture of the VU, the N-VA and Spirit: data are presented about the internal organisation of these parties (info about party meetings, the composition and competences of the leading party structures, internal elections, party mandates, the party employees and numbers of party members). By offering an extensive overview of facts and figures, it is the intention of the authors to provide a solid guidelinefor further investigation.


Jo Noppe

Bram Wauters

Jo Noppe
Article

Het parlementaire optreden van de eerste minister in België en Nederland

Een vergelijking tussen de regeringen Martens VIII, Dehaene I en Lubbers III

Journal Res Publica, Issue 4 2000
Authors Jo Noppe
Abstract

    The relation between the constitutionally founded supremacy of the parliament and the authoriy of the Prime Minister (PM) based on common law, is of a great importance in the Low Countries. This relation constitutes the difference between parliamentary and presidential regimes. It is the PM's duty to take care of the permanent support ofthe parliamentary majority. This is not an easy exercise. Members of parliament are not always as positive about the PM's parliamentary performances. Characteristics of the parliamentary activity of the Belgian PM's Wilfried Martens, Jean-Luc Dehaene and the Dutch Ruud Lubbers are handled as: the frequency and the extent of the PM's parliamentary performances, the topics handled by the PM's in parliament, the PM's opponents in parliamentary debate and finally more generally the PM's parliamentary role behaviour. Due to the different position of both the parliament and the PM in the Belgian and the Dutch political system, the characteristics of the parliamenty activity of the Belgian and the Dutch PM are not always very similar. Additionally, remarkable differences occur between the parliamentary activity of different PM'swithin the same country.


Jo Noppe
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