The French ‘Code de procédure pénale’ provides the possibility to revise final criminal convictions. The Act of 2014 reformed the procedure for revision and introduced some important novelties. The first is that it reduced the different possible grounds for revision to one ground, which it intended to broaden. The remaining ground for revision is the existence of a new fact or an element unknown to the court at the time of the initial proceedings, of such a nature as to establish the convicted person’s innocence or to give rise to doubt about his guilt. The legislature intended judges to no longer require ‘serious doubt’. However, experts question whether judges will comply with this intention of the legislature. The second is the introduction of the possibility for the applicant to ask the public prosecutor to carry out the investigative measures that seem necessary to bring to light a new fact or an unknown element before filing a request for revision. The third is that the Act of 2014 created the ‘Cour de révision et de réexamen’, which is composed of eighteen judges of the different chambers of the ‘Cour de cassation’. This ‘Cour de révision et de réexamen’ is divided into a ‘commission d’instruction’, which acts as a filter and examines the admissibility of the requests for revision, and a ‘formation de jugement’, which decides on the substance of the requests. Practice will have to show whether these novelties indeed improved the accessibility of the revision procedure. |
Search result: 637 articles
Article |
|
Journal | Erasmus Law Review, Issue 4 2020 |
Keywords | Final criminal conviction, revision procedure, grounds for revision, preparatory investigative measures, Cour de révision et de réexamen |
Authors | Katrien Verhesschen and Cyrille Fijnaut |
AbstractAuthor's information |
Article |
|
Journal | Erasmus Law Review, Issue 2 2020 |
Keywords | Migration, EU migration law, time |
Authors | Gerrie Lodder |
AbstractAuthor's information |
States apply different material conditions to attract or restrict residence of certain types of migrants. But states can also make use of time as an instrument to design more welcoming or more restrictive policies. States can apply faster application procedures for desired migrants. Furthermore, time can be used in a more favourable way to attract desired migrants in regard to duration of residence, access to a form of permanent residence and protection against loss of residence. This contribution makes an analysis of how time is used as an instrument in shaping migration policy by the European Union (EU) legislator in the context of making migration more or less attractive. This analysis shows that two groups are treated more favourably in regard to the use of time in several aspects: EU citizens and economic- and knowledge-related third-country nationals. However, when it comes to the acquisition of permanent residence after a certain period of time, the welcoming policy towards economic- and knowledge-related migrants is no longer obvious. |
Article |
|
Journal | Erasmus Law Review, Issue 3 2020 |
Keywords | Roma, Travellers, positive obligations, segregation, culturally adequate accommodation |
Authors | Lilla Farkas and Theodoros Alexandridis |
AbstractAuthor's information |
The article analyses the jurisprudence of international tribunals on the education and housing of Roma and Travellers to understand whether positive obligations can change the hearts and minds of the majority and promote minority identities. Case law on education deals with integration rather than cultural specificities, while in the context of housing it accommodates minority needs. Positive obligations have achieved a higher level of compliance in the latter context by requiring majorities to tolerate the minority way of life in overwhelmingly segregated settings. Conversely, little seems to have changed in education, where legal and institutional reform, as well as a shift in both majority and minority attitudes, would be necessary to dismantle social distance and generate mutual trust. The interlocking factors of accessibility, judicial activism, European politics, expectations of political allegiance and community resources explain jurisprudential developments. The weak justiciability of minority rights, the lack of resources internal to the community and dual identities among the Eastern Roma impede legal claims for culture-specific accommodation in education. Conversely, the protection of minority identity and community ties is of paramount importance in the housing context, subsumed under the right to private and family life. |
Article |
|
Journal | Erasmus Law Review, Issue 3 2020 |
Keywords | Human rights, positive state obligations, islamophobia, international supervisory mechanisms |
Authors | Kristin Henrard |
AbstractAuthor's information |
Islamophobia, like xenophobia, points to deep-seated, ingrained discrimination against a particular group, whose effective enjoyment of fundamental rights is impaired. This in turn triggers the human rights obligations of liberal democratic states, more particularly states’ positive obligations (informed by reasonability considerations) to ensure that fundamental rights are effectively enjoyed, and thus also respected in interpersonal relationships. This article identifies and compares the fault lines in the practice of three international human rights supervisory mechanisms in relation to Islamophobia, namely the Human Rights Committee (International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights), the European Court of Human Rights (European Convention on Human Rights) and the Advisory Committee of the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities. The supervisory practice is analysed in two steps: The analysis of each international supervisory mechanism’s jurisprudence, in itself, is followed by the comparison of the fault lines. The latter comparison is structured around the two main strands of strategies that states could adopt in order to counter intolerance: On the one hand, the active promotion of tolerance, inter alia through education, awareness-raising campaigns and the stimulation of intercultural dialogue; on the other, countering acts informed by intolerance, in terms of the prohibition of discrimination (and/or the effective enjoyment of substantive fundamental rights). Having regard to the respective strengths and weaknesses of the supervisory practice of these three international supervisory mechanisms, the article concludes with some overarching recommendations. |
Article |
Regional Differentiation in Europe, between EU Proposals and National Reforms |
Journal | European Journal of Law Reform, Issue 3 2020 |
Keywords | regional differentiation, regional disparities, autonomy, regionalism, subsidiarity, European Union, multilevel governance |
Authors | Gabriella Saputelli |
AbstractAuthor's information |
Regions and local governments play a very important role in the application of European law and in the implementation of European policies. The economic crisis of 2008 has accentuated territorial and social differentiation and highlighted the negative effects of globalization. This circumstance has created resentment among peripheral and marginal communities in the electoral results, but also a strong request for involvement, participation and sometimes independence from territories. These developments raise new questions about the relationship between the EU and the Regions and, more widely, about the role of subnational entities in the EU integration process, as they are the institutions nearest to citizens. |
Article |
The ECB’s Independence and the Principle of Separation |
Journal | European Journal of Law Reform, Issue 3 2020 |
Keywords | ECB, Banking Supervision, Banking Supervision Centralization, Prudential Supervision, European Union, EU Law, Banking Union, Central Banking Independence, SSMR, SSMR |
Authors | Pamela Nika |
AbstractAuthor's information |
This article addresses the question of whether the European Central Bank’s (ECB’s) involvement in banking supervision is compatible with its independent status as provided by the European Union’s (EU’s) primary law, specifically with reference to the principle of separation between the ECB’s monetary policy and supervisory powers. It is found that the Single Supervisory Mechanism (SSM) Regulation provides the ECB with a set of prerequisites in pursuit of its supervisory objectives under a high level of independence. However, the article argues that the current EU regulatory framework poses risks to the overall independence of the ECB. In particular, the principle of separation, as one of the mechanisms aimed at safeguarding the ECB’s independence, is not fully achieved. In addition, the boundaries and application of macro-prudential operation of the ECB in both the SSM and European Systemic Risk Board (ESRB) remain blurry and uncertain. The article concludes by suggesting that the only way to safeguard the independence of the ECB is by carefully revising the ECB’s competencies, which may require treaty amendment. |
Article |
Political Sophistication and Populist Party SupportThe Case of PTB-PVDA and VB in the 2019 Belgian Elections |
Journal | Politics of the Low Countries, Issue 3 2020 |
Keywords | populist voters, political sophistication, voting motivations, Belgium, elections |
Authors | Marta Gallina, Pierre Baudewyns and Jonas Lefevere |
AbstractAuthor's information |
In this article, we investigate the moderating role of political sophistication on the vote for populist parties in Belgium. Building on the literature about the diverse determinants of populist party support, we investigate whether issue considerations and populism-related motivations play a bigger role in the electoral calculus of politically sophisticated voters. |
Article |
How Issue Salience Pushes Voters to the Left or to the Right |
Journal | Politics of the Low Countries, Issue 3 2020 |
Keywords | voting behaviour, salience, ideological dimensions, elections, Belgium |
Authors | Stefaan Walgrave, Patrick van Erkel, Isaïa Jennart e.a. |
AbstractAuthor's information |
Recent research demonstrates that political parties in western Europe are generally structured along one dimension – and often take more or less similar ideological positions on the economic and cultural dimension – whereas the policy preferences of voters are structured two dimensionally; a considerable part of the electorate combines left-wing stances on one dimension with right-wing stances on the other. These ideologically ‘unserved’ voters are the main focus of this study. Using data from a large-scale survey in Flanders and Wallonia, we demonstrate how the salience of the two dimensions explains whether these unserved voters ultimately end up voting for a right-wing or a left-wing party. Specifically, we show that these voters elect a party that is ideologically closest on the dimension that they deem most important at that time. To summarise, the findings of this study confirm that salience is a key driver of electoral choice, especially for cross-pressured voters. |
Article |
Drivers of Support for the Populist Radical Left and Populist Radical Right in BelgiumAn Analysis of the VB and the PVDA-PTB Vote at the 2019 Elections |
Journal | Politics of the Low Countries, Issue 3 2020 |
Keywords | populism, voting, behaviour, Belgium, elections |
Authors | Ine Goovaerts, Anna Kern, Emilie van Haute e.a. |
AbstractAuthor's information |
This study investigates how protest attitudes and ideological considerations affected the 2019 election results in Belgium, and particularly the vote for the radical right-wing populist party Vlaams Belang (VB) and for the radical left-wing populist party Partij van de Arbeid-Parti du Travail de Belgique (PVDA-PTB). Our results confirm that both protest attitudes and ideological considerations play a role to distinguish radical populist voters from mainstream party voters in general. However, when opposed to their second-best choice, we show that particularly protest attitudes matter. Moreover, in comparing radical right- and left-wing populist voters, the article disentangles the respective weight of these drivers on the two ends of the political spectrum. Being able to portray itself as an alternative to mainstream can give these parties an edge among a certain category of voters, albeit this position is also difficult to hold in the long run. |
Research Note |
Campaigning Online and Offline: Different Ballgames?Presidentialization, Issue Attention and Negativity in Parties’ Facebook and Newspaper Ads in the 2019 Belgian General Elections |
Journal | Politics of the Low Countries, Issue 3 2020 |
Keywords | political advertising, Belgium, social media, newspapers, campaign |
Authors | Jonas Lefevere, Peter Van Aelst and Jeroen Peeters |
AbstractAuthor's information |
This Research Note investigates party advertising in newspapers and on social media (Facebook) during the 2019 general elections in Flanders, the largest region of Belgium. The 2019 elections saw a marked increase in the use of social media advertising by parties, whereas newspaper advertising saw a decline. Prior research that compares multiple types of advertising, particularly advertising on social and legacy media remains limited. As such, based on a quantitative content analysis we investigate not just the prevalence of party advertising on both types of media, but also compare the level of negativity, presidentialisation, and issue emphasis. Our analysis reveals substantial differences: we find that not only the type of advertisements varies across the platforms, but also that social media ads tend to be more negative. Finally, parties’ issue emphasis varies substantially as well, with different issues being emphasized in newspaper and Facebook advertisements. |
Article |
|
Journal | Politics of the Low Countries, Issue 3 2020 |
Keywords | Belgian politics, democratic reforms, elections, populist voters, representative democracy |
Authors | Lisa van Dijk, Thomas Legein, Jean-Benoit Pilet e.a. |
AbstractAuthor's information |
Recently, studies have burgeoned on the link between populism and demands for democratic reforms. In particular, scholars have been debating the link between populist citizens or voters and support for referendums. In this article, we examine voters of populist parties (Vlaams Belang (VB) and Parti du Travail de Belgique-Partij van de Arbeid (PTB-PVDA)) in Belgium in 2019 and we look at their attitudes towards various types of democratic reforms. We find that voters of populist parties differ from the non-populist electorate in their support for different kinds of reforms of representative democracy. Voters of VB and PTB-PVDA have in common stronger demands for limiting politicians’ prerogatives, for introducing binding referendums and for participatory budgeting. While Vlaams Belang voters are not significantly different from the non-populist electorate on advisory referendums, citizens’ forums or technocratic reform, PVDA-PTB voters seem more enthusiastic. |
Article |
Emotions and Vote ChoiceAn Analysis of the 2019 Belgian Elections |
Journal | Politics of the Low Countries, Issue 3 2020 |
Keywords | Belgium, elections, emotions, voting behaviour |
Authors | Caroline Close and Emilie van Haute |
AbstractAuthor's information |
This article digs into the relationship between voters’ political resentment and their electoral choice in 2019 by focusing on the respondents’ emotions towards politics. Using the RepResent 2019 voter survey, eight emotions are analysed in their relation to voting behaviour: four negative (anger, bitterness, worry and fear) and four positive (hope, relief, joy and satisfaction). We confirm that voters’ emotional register is at least two-dimensional, with one positive and one negative dimension, opening the possibility for different combinations of emotions towards politics. We also find different emotional patterns across party choices, and more crucially, we uncover a significant effect of emotions (especially negative ones) on vote choice, even when controlling for other determinants. Finally, we look at the effect of election results on emotions and we observe a potential winner vs. loser effect with distinctive dynamics in Flanders and in Wallonia. |
Editorial |
Explaining Vote Choice in the 2019 Belgian ElectionsDemocratic, Populist and Emotional Drivers |
Journal | Politics of the Low Countries, Issue 3 2020 |
Authors | Patrick van Erkel, Anna Kern and Guillaume Petit |
Author's information |
Response |
Restorative justice domesticated |
Journal | The International Journal of Restorative Justice, Issue 3 2020 |
Authors | Lode Walgrave |
Author's information |
Case Reports |
2020/16 Nature and extent of ‘reasonable accommodation’ to be provided to employees with disabilities (IE) |
Journal | European Employment Law Cases, Issue 2 2020 |
Keywords | Disability Discrimination |
Authors | Orla O’Leary |
AbstractAuthor's information |
In a recent Supreme Court decision, it was held by a 4-1 majority that there is no reason, in principle, why the provision of ‘reasonable accommodation’ for an employee with a disability should not involve the redistribution of duties. |
Case Reports |
|
Journal | European Employment Law Cases, Issue 2 2020 |
Keywords | Discrimination, general, Health and safety, Unfair dismissal |
Authors | Gautier Busschaert |
AbstractAuthor's information |
The Belgian Court of Cassation (Supreme Court), in a decision of 20 January 2020, has ruled that the prohibition for an employer to terminate the employment relationship of a worker for reasons related to a complaint for acts of violence and/or moral and/or sexual harassment at work does not, however, preclude the dismissal from being justified by motives inferred from the facts set out in the complaint. |
Pending Cases |
Case C-105/20, Gender Discrimination, Part Time WorkUF – v – Union Nationale des Mutualités Libres (Partenamut) (UNMLibres), reference lodged by the Tribunal du travail de Nivelles (Belgium) on 27 February 2020 |
Journal | European Employment Law Cases, Issue 2 2020 |
Keywords | Gender Discrimination, Part Time Work |
Article |
The International Law Commission’s Draft Articles on the Prevention and Punishment of Crimes Against HumanityIncitement/Conspiracy as Missing Modes of Liability |
Journal | African Journal of International Criminal Justice, Issue 2 2020 |
Keywords | modes of liability, International Law Commission, crimes against humanity, incitement, conspiracy |
Authors | Joseph Rikhof |
AbstractAuthor's information |
The International Law Commission’s Draft Articles on the Prevention and Punishment of Crimes Against Humanity does not include the inchoate crimes of conspiracy or incitement. However, this choice has generated a great deal of academic commentary. This article critically assesses the choice of the drafters to exclude conspiracy and incitement liability, arguing that their decision was flawed. It examines the comments made by academics, as well as participants in the work of the Commission on this draft convention. Additionally, it scrutinizes the methodology employed by the Commission in reaching this conclusion. Finally, it presents a conceptual analysis of the desirability for the inclusion of these two inchoate crimes, arguing that their inclusion would assist in meeting the policy of preventing crimes against humanity. |
Article |
The ILC Draft Articles on Crimes Against HumanityAn African Perspective |
Journal | African Journal of International Criminal Justice, Issue 2 2020 |
Keywords | Africa, norm creation, crimes against humanity, colonial crimes, official immunity |
Authors | Alhagi B.M. Marong |
AbstractAuthor's information |
Africa’s contribution towards the development of the International Law Commission (ILC) Draft Articles should not be assessed exclusively on the basis of the limited engagement of African States or individuals in the discursive processes within the ILC, but from a historical perspective. When analysed from that perspective, it becomes clear that Africa has had a long connection to atrocity crimes due to the mass victimization of its civilian populations during the colonial and postcolonial periods and apartheid in South Africa. Following independence in the 1960s, African States played a leading role in the elaboration of legal regimes to deal with international crimes such as apartheid, or in the development of accountability mechanisms to respond to such crimes. Although some of these efforts proved unsuccessful in the end, the normative consensus that was generated went a long way in laying the foundations for the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, which, in turn, influenced the conceptual framework of the ILC Draft Articles. This article proposes that given this historical nexus, the substantive provisions and international cooperation framework provided for in the future crimes against humanity convention, Africa has more reasons to support than to oppose it when negotiations begin at the United Nations General Assembly or an international diplomatic conference. |