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Article

TTIP, business as usual?

Europees handelsbeleid en zijn democratische legitimiteit

Journal Res Publica, Issue 2 2018
Keywords Democratic legitimacy, input legitimacy, throughput legitimacy, European Union, trade policy, TTIP
Authors Joke Matthieu
AbstractAuthor's information

    The Transatlantic Trade and Investment partnership (TTIP) can be considered a game changer among trade agreements. TTIP not only aims to shape tomorrow’s trade policy, but has also had a huge influence on the democratic legitimacy of the EU. Based on recent literature on democratic legitimacy in the EU, this paper studies how the TTIP negotiations score in terms of input and throughput legitimacy. Our results show that these negotiations have had their fair share of problems, such as the disproportionally large influence of corporations and a lack of transparency and accountability. However, these legitimacy problems occurred mainly in the first months of the negotiation process. Due to large scale protests and critiques from civil society, measures were taken to boost the legitimacy of the process.


Joke Matthieu
Joke Matthieu studeerde politieke wetenschappen aan de Vrije Universiteit Brussel (VUB) waar ze in 2016 afstudeerde met grootste onderscheiding. Voor haar masterproef onderzocht ze de democratische legitimiteit van de TTIP-onderhandelingen en daarvoor kreeg ze de prijs voor de beste masterproef van de faculteit Economische en Sociale wetenschappen. Ze zette haar academische carrière verder aan de VUB, waar ze momenteel werkt als onderwijsassistent en doctoraatsonderzoeker. Haar voornaamste onderzoeksinteresses zijn democratische innovatie, politieke socialisatie en burgerschap. Ze bereidt momenteel een doctoraat voor over de effecten van deliberatie op het burgerschap van jongeren.
Article

Europa in Vlaanderen: een verkennende analyse van de impact van Europese integratie op Vlaamse politieke partijen

Journal Res Publica, Issue 4 2016
Keywords Europeanisation, political parties, party organisation, party programmes, Flanders, Belgium
Authors Gilles Pittoors, Wouter Wolfs, Steven Van Hecke e.a.
AbstractAuthor's information

    This article discusses the Europeanisation of Flemish political parties. Based on a dataset spanning the period 1999-2014, the article assesses whether the increase in EU salience at the level of the party (elites) after 2010 resulted in increased Europeanisation, defined as the increased mentioning of the EU in party programmes (i.e. programmatic Europeanisation) and the incorporation of the EU in political party structures (i.e. organisational Europeanisation). Our empirical analysis shows that salience does not adequately explain the level of Europeanisation. Rather, the ideological position of parties seems to provide for a stronger case. The findings therefore call for more in-depth research on intervening variables in order to better explain the varying Europeanisation of (Flemish) political parties.


Gilles Pittoors
Gilles Pittoors is doctoraatsstudent en onderwijsassistent aan GASPAR, Politieke Wetenschappen, Universiteit Gent.

Wouter Wolfs
Wouter Wolfs is aspirant FWO-Vlaanderen, Instituut voor de Overheid, KU Leuven.

Steven Van Hecke
Steven Van Hecke is docent Europese en vergelijkende politiek, Instituut voor de Overheid, KU Leuven.

Peter Bursens
Peter Bursens is gewoon hoogleraar en Jean Monnet professor, ACIM, Universiteit Antwerpen.
Article

Mondiale standaarden of race-to-the-bottom?

Een analyse van regelgevende samenwerking in de onderhandelingen over een Trans-Atlantisch Vrijhandels- en Investeringsakkoord (TTIP)

Journal Res Publica, Issue 3 2015
Keywords trade, European Union, TTIP, regulatory convergence, global standards, race-to-the-bottom
Authors Ferdi De Ville and Niels Gheyle
AbstractAuthor's information

    Since the summer of 2013, the European Union (EU) and the United States (US) are negotiating the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). Especially for the EU, this is one of the policy priorities for the present term. TTIP is supposed to bring much-needed growth and jobs and to enable the EU to remain a global standardsetter, all without lowering EU levels of regulatory protection. Opponents of the agreement, however, fear that TTIP would lead to a regulatory race-to-the-bottom. This article scrutinizes these claims through a detailed document analysis complemented with a number of interviews. It is embedded in the political-economic literature on the trade-regulation nexus as well as on exporting standards and secondary literature on past EU-US regulatory cooperation attempts. We argue that the effects of TTIP are dependent on the concrete mode of regulatory convergence chosen in the agreement. If, as seems presently most plausible, the negotiators opt for bilateral mutual recognition as their preferred mode for regulatory convergence, the plausibility that TTIP would lead to global standards is reduced. The risk of running into a regulatory race-to-the-bottom increases in that case, but will ultimately depend on the number of sectors where this mode is applicable and under which conditions this is applied. We conclude that the probability is low that the TTIP agreement being negotiated will lead either to a significant increase in global standards or to a direct large-scale race-to-the-bottom.


Ferdi De Ville
Ferdi De Ville is docent Europese Politiek aan het Centrum voor EU-Studies van de Universiteit Gent. Zijn onderzoeksbelangstelling gaat voornamelijk uit naar Europees handelsbeleid en de politiek-economische gevolgen van de eurocrisis.

Niels Gheyle
Niels Gheyle is als doctoraatsonderzoeker verbonden aan het Centrum voor EU-Studies. Zijn onderzoek richt zich op de politisering van Europees handelsbeleid, met een specifieke focus op het vrijhandelsverdrag tussen de VS en de EU (TTIP).
Article

Negatieve campagnevoering in de Nederlandse consensusdemocratie: de ontwikkelingen sinds Fortuyn

Journal Res Publica, Issue 3 2010
Keywords negative campaigning, consensus democracy, election campaign, political advertising, election debates
Authors Annemarie S. Walter
AbstractAuthor's information

    During the last decades, election campaigns in Western Europe have undergone major changes. In response to an altered electoral market, political parties have started to campaign more offensively, making use of campaign tactics such as negative campaigning. Negative campaigning strongly conflicts with the political culture of consensus and cooperation that is inherent to many West European political systems, especially in the Netherlands, in which coalition building has always been a necessity. Taking the Netherlands as a case-in-point, this article demonstrates that even in a consensual multiparty system like the Dutch one negative campaigning is on the rise. Indeed, by exploring the last four election campaigns this study demonstrates that negative campaigning is part-and-parcel of the Dutch electoral politics ever since 2002.


Annemarie S. Walter
Annemarie Walter (1985) is als promovenda verbonden aan de afdeling Politicologie van de Universiteit van Amsterdam en schrijft een proefschrift over negatieve campagnevoering in West-Europa. Haar onderzoeksinteresses liggen op het gebied van politieke communicatie en partijgedrag.
Article

EPA’s: Welkome stimulans voor samenwerking of mogelijke bron voor desintegratie?

De perceptie van de Oost-Afrikaanse politieke elite

Journal Res Publica, Issue 4 2009
Keywords European Union, EU external policy, EPAs, regional integration, external images
Authors Sarah Delputte
AbstractAuthor's information

    This article addresses the controversial impact of the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) between the European Union (EU) and its former colonies in Africa. The policy turn of the EU goes along with a sharp debate in which the EU portrays itself as a friend of the development countries while NGOs depict the Union as a wolf in sheepskin. Both sides defend strong arguments in favour and against EPAs. But how do the ACPs themselves look at the EPAs? By scrutinizing the images of ACP representatives we go beyond the polarised EPA debate. More specifically, the article deals with the question whether EPAs will stimulate or hinder regional integration in Eastern Africa. First, we summarize the diverging positions in the academic debate on this issue, structured around three dimensions: the impact of the EPA negotiation process, the consequences of implementation of these agreements, and the EU’s putative normative objectives in this area. Second, we explore each of these dimensions by analyzing the perception from Eastern African policy-makers on the basis of semi-structured interviews and a survey questionnaire. Researching the external perception of the EU’s policies provides an alternative way to gauge the possible consequences of EPAs on regional integration in Eastern Africa. The final section contains some tentative conclusions, which suggest that the view of East African diplomats is largely in line with the more ‘positive’ EU discourse, while parliamentarians make a more ‘negative’ assessment of the impact of EPAs for regional integration. In addition, members of the East African Community are more convinced of beneficial effects of EPAs on regional integration. The article ends with some explanations for these findings and some orientations for further research.


Sarah Delputte
Sarah Delputte (1984) werkte als stagiaire bij de Europese Commissie en startte in oktober 2009 een VLIR-UOS doctoraatsonderzoek aan de Universiteit Gent naar de externe perceptie van de Europese Unie in Afrika.
Article

Subnationale overheden in governance voor duurzame ontwikkeling

Inter-subnationale netwerken als route voor Vlaanderen naar multilaterale besluitvorming?

Journal Res Publica, Issue 4 2009
Keywords governance for sustainable development, Multi-Level Governance, networks, subnational entities, multilateral decision-making, Flanders
Authors Sander Happaerts, Karoline Van den Brande and Hans Bruyninckx
AbstractAuthor's information

    Although subnational entities play an important role in governance for sustainable development, they are often not recognized as decision-making actors in multilateral bodies, where an important part of the policy debate takes place. Adopting a Multi-Level Governance perspective, this article presents four alternative routes they can use to be involved in multilateral decision-making. It further zooms in on inter-subnational networks, an application of one particular route, called the direct route. Inter-subnational networks are associations between subnational entities based upon common interests. They have both external and internal objectives. On the one hand, they want to represent their members at multilateral organizations and influence decisionmaking. On the other hand, they are aimed at fostering cooperation between their members and at stimulating policy learning. This article focuses on the participation of Flanders in two networks in the area of sustainable development: nrg4SD and ENCORE. Flanders is an interesting case because of its exceptional degree of autonomy. The analysis concludes that Flanders is mainly (but not exclusively) interested in the internal dimension of the networks. It further reveals a low political involvement, which seems due to the subject of sustainable development itself.


Sander Happaerts
Sander Happaerts (1983) is doctoraatsonderzoeker aan de Katholieke Universiteit Leuven en onderzoeker bij het Steunpunt Duurzame Ontwikkeling (2007-2011). Hij onderzoekt het duurzameontwikkelingsbeleid van subnationale overheden en bekijkt daarbij het Vlaamse beleid in comparatief perspectief.

Karoline Van den Brande
Karoline Van den Brande (1983) is doctoraatsonderzoekster aan de Katholieke Universiteit Leuven en onderzoekster bij het Steunpunt Duurzame Ontwikkeling (2007-2011). Haar onderzoek focust op de betrokkenheid van Vlaanderen bij multilaterale besluitvorming inzake duurzame ontwikkeling in de VN, de OESO en de EU.

Hans Bruyninckx
Hans Bruyninckx (1964) doctoreerde aan Colorado State University met een specialiteit in International Environmental Politics. Daarna werkte hij aan het Hoger Instituut voor de Arbeid (Katholieke Universiteit Leuven) en aan de Wageningen Universiteit, Nederland. Sinds 2005 is hij professor internationale betrekkingen en internationaal milieubeleid aan de Faculteit Sociale Wetenschappen van de Katholieke Universiteit Leuven. Zijn huidig onderzoek focust op de invloed van globaliseringsprocessen op mondiaal milieubeleid en duurzame ontwikkeling, op de rol van de EU in internationaal milieubeleid en op het milieubeleid van China. Hans Bruyninckx is ook promotor-coördinator van het Steunpunt Duurzame Ontwikkeling (2007-2011).
Article

Onafhankelijke referendumcommissies: kenmerkend voor de Nederlandse consensusdemocratie

Journal Res Publica, Issue 1 2009
Keywords referendum, independent referendum body, consensus democracy, local politics
Authors Philip van Praag
AbstractAuthor's information

    Since the nineties of the last century, there has been a modest rise of local referendums in the Netherlands. This article describes the important role played by independent local referendum committees, one of the most remarkable characteristics of the recent Dutch referendum experience. Their task is among others to advice about the wording of the question, to supervise the organisation of the referendum and the campaign and to handle complaints. The need to use an independent body to support the referendum process is missing in countries as Switzerland and the United States. The lack of referendum experience and the lack of confidence in Dutch local authorities forced them to introduce independent local referendum bodies. The role of these institutions fits in the traditions of the Dutch consensus democracy to engage experts to depoliticise delicate political problems.


Philip van Praag
Philip van Praag (°1949) is universitair hoofddocent politicologie aan de Universiteit van Amsterdam. Hij houdt zich voornamelijk bezig met politieke partijen, verkiezingscampagnes, politieke communicatie en referenda.
Article

Euroscepticisme in België

Economische belangen, culturele identiteit en politiek wantrouwen

Journal Res Publica, Issue 4 2008
Keywords Euroscepticism, interests, identity, trust
Authors Koen Abts, Dirk Heerwegh and Marc Swyngedouw
AbstractAuthor's information

    This article tries to analyse and improve the individual-level approaches to the study of public Euroscepticism in Belgium. In recent literature, three approaches focusing on instrumental, cultural and political cues can be distinguished. First, the utilitarian approach associates Euroscepticism with economic interests. Second, the cultural approach draws on cultural attitudes and affective identities. Third, the political approach associates support for European integration with political effi cacy and institutional trust. Drawing upon Belgian data from the IntUne Project 2007, the results show that negative evaluations of the benefits of European membership, social distrust in European fellow citizens and institutional distrust in the EU are the most important determinants of Euroscepticism, while education, national attachment, exclusive identity and political powerlessness have a minor impact.


Koen Abts
Koen Abts (1975) is vrijwillig medewerker aan het Centrum voor Sociologisch Onderzoek van de KULeuven. Hij bereidt een proefschrift voor over de etnopopulistische politiek van het ressentiment. Zijn onderzoeksinteresses liggen op het vlak van ressentiment, etnocentrisme, politiek cynisme, extreemrechts stemgedrag en populisme.

Dirk Heerwegh
Dirk Heerwegh (1977) is deeltijds docent aan het Centrum voor Sociologisch Onderzoek van de KULeuven en postdoctoraal onderzoeker van het FWO Vlaanderen. Zijn onderzoek situeert zich op het domein van survey-methodologie en statistische analysemethoden.

Marc Swyngedouw
Marc Swyngedouw (1956) is gewoon hoogleraar aan het Centrum voor Sociologisch Onderzoek van de KULeuven. Hij is directeur van het Instituut voor Sociaal en Politiek Opinieonderzoek (ISPO). Zijn onderzoeksinteresses omvatten politieke sociologie, verkiezingsonderzoek, extreemrechts stemgedrag, waardenonderzoek en etnische minderheden.
Article

De Europese Unie: een strategische militaire actor?

Tsjaad als testcase

Journal Res Publica, Issue 2 2008
Keywords EU, ESDP, Strategic Culture, Military Strategy, EUFOR Tchad/RCA
Authors Sven Biscop and Alexander Mattelaer
AbstractAuthor's information

    The EU is increasingly developing a grand strategy for framing its external policies in a coherent way. The European Security and Defence Policy offers the EU access to military instruments, enabling it to conduct civilian and military operations. This article investigates to what extent the EU can be qualified as a strategic actor, i.e. having a clear vision of how to act in the security domain and the will to do so. Furthermore, we evaluate whether past practices are leading to the framing of a EU strategic culture. As a test case we offer an in-depth analysis of the planning of EUFOR Tchad/RCA – the most recent and largest autonomous military operation the EU has conducted so far. This shows the progress the EU has made in developing its external posture, but also makes clear there exists a conceptual gap in terms of military strategy, where operational planning remains plagued by ad-hoccery.


Sven Biscop
Dr. Sven Biscop is senior research fellow in Egmont – Koninklijk Instituut voor Internationale Betrekkingen in Brussel en gastprofessor voor Europese veiligheid aan het Europacollege in Brugge.

Alexander Mattelaer
Alexander Mattelaer is als onderzoeker verbonden aan het Institute for European Studies van de Vrije Universiteit Brussel.
Article

Europa en de wereld: de eeuwige machtsvraag

Journal Res Publica, Issue 2 2008
Keywords European Union, EU External Policies, Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), Principal-Agent, Normative Power Europe
Authors Jan Orbie and Sophie Vanhoonacker
AbstractAuthor's information

    This introductory article situates the three contributions to this special issue on ‘Europe and the world’ within the broader academic discussion on the European Union’s (EU) international role. It expands on the two central questions that run as a red line through this issue: what is the role and power of EU level players in the external policymaking process; what kind of power is Europe in the world? The fi rst part focuses on the explanatory power of rational choice theories and more particularly the principal-agent model when trying to understand the power struggle between the European and national level. The second part addresses the question whether the EU constitutes a sui generis type of international actor, as suggested by the Normative Power Europe hypothesis. With the articles in this special issue as a starting point, it points to the promises and pitfalls of the particular approaches for researching Europe’s international role and makes suggestions for future research.


Jan Orbie
Jan Orbie is docent aan het Centrum voor EU-Studies van de Universiteit Gent.

Sophie Vanhoonacker
Sophie Vanhoonacker is bijzonder hoogleraar ‘Administrative Governance’ aan de Universiteit Maastricht.
Article

Coalitiesteun in Antwerpen, Hasselt en Oostkamp

De invloed van politieke ontevredenheid, politiek wantrouwen en etnocentrisme vergeleken

Journal Res Publica, Issue 4 2007
Authors Marc Swyngedouw, Koen Abts and Jarl Kampen
AbstractAuthor's information

    In this paper we investigate the effects of political dissatisfaction, political distrust and ethnocentrism on support to the incumbent coalition in three different municipalities in Flanders. Theoretically, we define the concept of political trust, at which it is differentiated from political satisfaction and political alienation. At the same time, four dimensions of political distrust are disentangled: competence, integrity, responsiveness and justice. Empirically, four research questions may be distinguished. First, we investigate whether political satisfaction, political trust and ethnocentrism have an independent effect on support to the ruling majority. Second, we check whether there are differential effects of the dimensions of political trust on the dependent variable in the different municipalities.Third, we try to connect the micro-level data with macro-level, by linking the results with the characteristics of the local government and the party system. Fourth, we examine the influence of the presence of extreme right.


Marc Swyngedouw
Hoogleraar aan het Centrum voor Sociologisch Onderzoek (CeSO-K.U.Leuven).

Koen Abts
Wetenschappelijk medewerker aan het CeSO (K.U.Leuven).

Jarl Kampen
Postdoctoraal onderzoeker aan de Vakgroep Politieke Wetenschappen (V.U.Brussel).
Article

Belgian Politics in 2006

Journal Res Publica, Issue 2-3 2007
Authors Sam Depauw and Mark Deweerdt
Author's information

Sam Depauw
Postdoctoral Fellow of the Fund for Scientific Research – Flanders at the KU Leuven.

Mark Deweerdt
MA in Political Science.

    In 2006, the European Union was still suffering from a legitimacy crisis following the ill-fated referenda on the Constitutional Treaty in 2005. Nevertheless, this overview of different internal and external European initiatives in 2006 presents a more ambiguous picture. On the one hand, EU policy-makers failed to gather momentum for new and ambitious European initiatives; on the other hand the EU did make some progress in a number of new and running dossiers.
    The extended reflection period did not result in a solution for the institutional impasse, despite some limited proposals (‘Plan D’, a mini-Constitution) to turn the tide. In spite of clear signs of enlargement fatigue, two new member states (Romania and Bulgaria) acceded to the EU. The enlargement negotiations with Croatia and Turkey continued – even though the talks with Turkey were somewhat scaled down. In 2006 the energy issue reached the top of the European political agenda, with ambitious proposals from the European Commission, but this did not result in specific EU policy decisions. The EU did finally reach a compromise on other dossiers that had been stuck in the EU decision-making machinery for years, such as the Bolkestein directive on the liberalisation of services and the REACH regulation on chemicals. The EU’s external and foreign policies were characterised by the EU’s involvement in a number of crisis situations (Lebanon, Congo) and the elaboration of the European Neighbourhood Policy (Action Plans). EU initiatives in the areas of migration and energy also link up with Europe’s external policies – especially in relation to the EU’s neighbouring regions.


Hendrik Vos
Docent Vakgroep politieke wetenschappen UGent.

Jan Orbie
Doctor-assistent Vakgroep politieke wetenschappen UGent.

An Schrijvers
Assistent Vakgroep politieke wetenschappen UGent.

    In national elections the results tend to become more ‘nationalized’: a homogeneous party offer all over the territory, less variation in the results per constituency and more homogeneous electoral swings. This article investigates whether this nationalization can also be witnessed at local elections. It focuses on two indicators: the party offer and the voting behaviour. The party offer is the presence of the national parties on the local ballot paper, while the voting behaviour looks at patterns of homogeneity across the municipalities.
    The answer to the question of nationalization is mixed. The Flemish and Walloon local elections display the same long-term trend as the national elections, but they keep their own local character. The heterogeneity of the local party offer clearly demonstrates the local specificity of the local elections, and consequently the voting behaviour also differs from the voting behaviour at national elections. We also find that the local elections in Wallonia are less nationalized than in Flanders.
    Although the local character of the local elections remains important, the newer parties – Ecolo and Groen! – show until 2000 a clear trend towards nationalization. Especially the extreme right Vlaams Belang shows positive scores on all indicators of nationalization since its first local appearance in 1982.


Fanny Wille
Fanny Wille is verbonden als assistent/vorser aan de Vakgroep Politieke Wetenschappen en de Vakgroep Micro-economics of the Profit and Non-Profit Sectors aan de Vrije Universiteit Brussel. Zij doet onderzoek naar lokale coalitievorming.

Kris Deschouwer
Kris Deschouwer is gewoon hoogleraar aan de Vakgroep Politieke Wetenschappen van de Vrije Universiteit Brussel. Hij doet onderzoek naar politieke vertegenwoordiging in systemen met een complexe institutionele context.
Article

Doen (wijzigende) instituties ertoe?

De invloed van het gemeente(kies)decreet op de gemeenteraadsverkiezingen van 2006

Journal Res Publica, Issue 1 2007
Authors Johan Ackaert, Koenraad De Ceuninck, Herwig Reynaert e.a.
AbstractAuthor's information

    With the local elections in 2006, new organisational schemes have been applied by the Flemish government to the 308 municipalities. These schemes included institutional reform aimed to change the outset of local government. In this article we studied the influence of these reforms in practice. Are they actually carriers of change? We thereby focused on the direct aspects linked to these reforms. While many instruments of reform had indirect intended effects, acceptance and action among key decision-makers (both voters and local governors to the extent of their discretion) to use them directly becomes crucial. Our analysis has shown that, with some exceptions, direct autonomous space for action was only limitedly used, hence reducing the chances for indirect change. While it is still too early to fully assess the foreseen indirect effects, in our opinion it is crucial to understand the nature of these local reforms within the central (Flemish) bargaining arena. The latter seems to have transformed the new schemes of local governmental organisation to the path-dependent art of the political feasible.


Johan Ackaert
Johan Ackaert is docent aan de Universiteit Hasselt. Hij promoveerde tot doctor in de sociale wetenschappen aan de KU Leuven op een proefschrift over de rol van de burgemeester. Zijn onderzoek richt zich enerzijds op politieke en maatschappelijke participatie en anderzijds op het lokale bestuur, beleid en politiek.

Koenraad De Ceuninck
Koenraad De Ceuninck is Licentiaat in de Politieke Wetenschappen, wetenschappelijk medewerker aan de vakgroep Politieke Wetenschappen van de Universiteit Gent, lid van het Centrum voor Lokale Politiek van de Universiteit Gent en van de Urban Policy Research Group van de Ghent University Association. Hij bereidt een doctoraat voor over de gemeentelijke fusies in België. Zijn onderzoek en publicaties behandelen onder meer de besluitvorming en de hervormingen op lokaal vlak.

Herwig Reynaert
Herwig Reynaert is hoogleraar aan de vakgroep Politieke Wetenschappen van de Universiteit Gent, voorzitter van het vakgebied lokale en regionale politiek en van het Centrum voor Lokale Politiek, lid van het Instituut voor Politieke Besluitvorming en Conflictmanagement van de Universiteit Gent en hoofd van de Urban Policy Research Group van de Ghent University Association. Hij publiceerde als auteur en/of coauteur talrijke boeken en is auteur van tientallen wetenschappelijke artikels en hoofdstukken in boeken over politieke rekrutering, politieke elites, verkiezingen en tevredenheid over lokaal beleid. Hij doceert o.a. de vakken lokale politiek, vergelijkende politiek, Belgische binnenlandse politiek. Hij is eveneens promotor van onderzoeksprojecten rond de provincies, de fusies van gemeenten, schepenen en gemeenteraadsleden, ...

Kristof Steyvers
Kristof Steyvers is doctor in de politieke wetenschappen, doctor-assistent aan de vakgroep Politieke Wetenschappen van de Universiteit Gent, lid van het Centrum voor Lokale Politiek, van het Instituut voor Politieke Besluitvorming en Conflictmanagement van de Universiteit Gent en van de Urban Policy Research Group van de Ghent University Association. Hij schreef een doctoraal proefschrift over de politieke rekrutering van de Belgische burgemeesters. Zijn onderzoek situeert zich onder meer op het vlak van lokale politieke elites, de vergelijkende lokale politiek en de gemeenteraadsverkiezingen.

Tony Valcke
Tony Valcke is historicus, assistent aan de vakgroep Politieke Wetenschappen van de Universiteit Gent, lid van het Centrum voor Lokale Politiek van de Universiteit Gent en van de Urban Policy Research Group van de Ghent University Association. Hij bereidt een doctoraat voor over de gouverneurs in Vlaanderen en de commissarissen van de Koningin in Nederland. Zijn onderzoek en publicaties situeren zich op het vlak van politieke elites, (provincieraads-) verkiezingen en de geschiedenis van de (provinciale) politieke instellingen.

    Official results of local elections are especially interesting when collected at the lowest level possible, to enable analyses of voting behaviour on the smallest social unit. In Antwerp, together with the city-level results, the voting results for the city districts are public too. Yet, still no possibility exists to review the official results at the neighbourhood level. This lack of data makes it difficult to relate specific neighbourhood characteristics to voting behaviour in those neighbourhoods and to compare them. Thus, to collect the data on neighbourhood voting behaviour, we organised an exit-poll in 18 neighbourhoods of seven districts in Antwerp, during the recent county, local and district elections. This article briefly sketches the exit-poll and its organisation and presents the main results. These results will be compared with the formal results on district level, and the neighbourhoods will be compared to one another. The results are – as expected – slightly biased, although in some districts more than in others. Voting behaviour in neighbourhoods turns out to vary strongly. We try to explain the voting behaviour with the help of several neighbourhood characteristics, like the proportion of immigrants and unemployed. The analysis confirms some important correlations, but refutes others.


Lien Warmenbol
Lien Warmenbol werkt na een onderzoeksproject over probleemjongeren in problematische buurten momenteel aan haar doctoraat in de politieke wetenschappen aan de Universiteit Antwerpen. Dit onderzoek richt zich op de buurtgerelateerde processen die spelen bij het stemgedrag in Antwerpen.

Marjolein Meijer
Marjolein Meijer werkt aan haar doctoraat in de politieke wetenschappen aan de Universiteit Antwerpen. Haar onderzoek richt zich op de Europese Unie, democratie en uitbreidingen. In het afgelopen jaar verzorgde zij met Lien Warmenbol een leeronderzoek over de gemeenteraadsverkiezingen in Antwerpen.

    This article is based on a definition of political and civil servant leadership as a behavioral steering style towards the realization of organizational goals. By means of a grounded theory methodology we get some insights in the characteristics and the interaction between both leadership styles in Flemish cities. This two-faced leadership is depicted by means of a tandem metaphor. First, we identify the relevant dimensions to describe the leadership tandem. It becomes apparent that political leadership styles differ greatly both in time and in scope. Civil servant leadership is generally characterized by a weak but presumably growing impact. This combination results in considerable leadership tensions, which is reinforced by several contingency factors: i.e. the influence of the dominant alderman model, the financial situation, the number of staff, the tendency to professionalize, the dominant political and civil servant culture and the structure of central government (e.g. on a Flemish, Belgian and European level).


Nathalie Vallet
Docent aan het Departement Management van de Universiteit Antwerpen en aan de Master in Publiek Management van de Universiteit Antwerpen Management School (UAMS).

Filip De Rynck
Hoogleraar aan het Departement Handelswetenschappen en Bestuurskunde van de Hogeschool Gent en docent aan de Master in Publiek Management van de Universiteit Antwerpen Management School (UAMS).
Article

Stille revolutie, contra-revolutie of cultureel conflict?

Veranderingen in de politieke cultuur en hun invloed op het verband tussen klassenpositie en stemgedrag

Journal Res Publica, Issue 4 2006
Authors Jeroen Van der Waal and Peter Achterberg
AbstractAuthor's information

    This paper deals with the linkage between changes in the political culture and changes in class-party alignments. First, we investigate how the political culture in Western countries has changed over time. Three views are tested using data on party-manifestos. The first predicts that only new-leftist issues will increase in salience. The second predicts that both new-leftist and new-rightist issues will emerge at the same time. The third, which is empirically corroborated, predicts that first new-leftist issues will emerge followed by a rise in new rightist issues.
    Second, we investigate how the emergence of these new issues has affected the traditional class-party alignments. We show that the middle class increasingly votes left-wing as newleftist issues become more important and that the working class increasingly votes rightwing as new-rightist issues become more important. The middle class also appears to alienate from the traditional party of their class as new-rightist issues rise in salience.


Jeroen Van der Waal
Onderzoeker aan de vakgroep Sociologie, Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam en aan de Amsterdam School for Social Research.

Peter Achterberg
Onderzoeker aan de vakgroep Sociologie, Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam en aan de Amsterdam School for Social Research.

    This study reports the results of qualitative interviews with 28 extreme right wing activists in Flanders (Belgium). We focus on the (ideological) motives for activism (why did they become active?) and the trajectory followed in becoming active (how did they become active?). The results show that these activists are primarily motivated by ethnic nationalism. All other ideological stands (e.g. rejection of foreigners, authoritarian attitudes and rejection of actual politics in Belgium) seem to be derived from this core of ethnic nationalism. The trajectory followed is primarily one that relates to socialization and continuity: most interviewees grew up in a family in which nationalism was of primordial importance. A minority of respondents, however, followed trajectories that refer to compliance or to conversion (deprivation).


Hans De Witte
Hoofddocent aan het Departement Psychologie, K.U.Leuven.
Article

De verschillende electorale aanhang van het Vlaams Blok in de Antwerpse gemeenten

Het inktvlekmodel en de vraag- en aanbodtheorieën over extreem-rechts

Journal Res Publica, Issue 4 2006
Authors Teun Pauwels
AbstractAuthor's information

    In this article we explained the differential electoral appeal of the extreme right in the municipalities of Antwerp. The electoral geography of the Vlaams Blok demonstrated that the further one lives from the city of Antwerp, the less likely one is to vote for the extreme right. This phenomenon was explained trough a specific urbanization pattern and the so called contamination hypothesis. We also found that the presence of migrants and the unemployment rate had a significant correlation with the score of the VB. This helped to understand why some municipalities were characterized by a long distance from the city and yet a high score for the VB. The supply side of the VB was also analyzed. This revealed that the proportion of preferential votes for the VB correlated highly with the electoral score of the VB in the municipalities of Antwerp.


Teun Pauwels
Onderzoeksmedewerker aan het Departement Politieke Wetenschappen, Universiteit Antwerpen.
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