In France the XVIIIth century was characterized by the Enlightenment as a philosophical phenomenon and Physiocracy as an expression of new economic thinking. But the Physiocrats were not merely a school of economic thought; they were also a school of political action. Kings, princes and high public servants were among their pupils. The great French Revolution itself was influenced by their writings. And the force of their work is still not wholly sprent. In order to appreciate the theory and significance of the Physiocracy it is necessary to take into account the circumstances of its time. Physiocracy is a doctrine which esteems that agriculture is of more importance than industry and commerce. In this article following subjects of the physiocratic doctrine are dealt with: the natural order, property and liberty; the relations between the government and the individual citizen; the theory of the produit net and the Tableau Economique of François Quesnay. The evaluation also includes the question about the expansion of Physiocracy. Indeed, it had many followers in several countries of Europe and was also the first real School of economic thinking. By its systematic approach, Physiocracy established the economy as a science. All the aspects of Physiocracy which have been mentioned above are intimately bound together and are in several aspects the economic precursor of the French Revolution.

The article compares the attitude of the Irish Fianna Fait, the Flemish Volksunie, and the coalition of the Rassemblement Wallon and the Francophone Brussels' PDF, towards Europe and their programmes for the European elections. These parties do not define themselves on a socio-economic or religious basis, as most of the other European political parties do, but give ideological priority to the ethnic or national factor. Does this imply a common and distinctive attitude to European integration? The answer must be no; they disagree not only on sectoral policies, but their fundamental outlook is different. FDF-RW and VU, on the one hand, though bitter opponents on the national level, both favour a federal Europe, in order to promote autonomy for their respective regions. Fianna Fait on the other hand, white recognizing the political and economic importance of Europe, is sceptical on the institutional level. Fianna Faits approach is essentially pragmatic, being a government party identifying its interests with the national interest, whereas the Belgian federalists cannot identify themselves with the existing Belgian state. Therefore it is unlikely at present that Fianna Fait wilt leave its European allies - the Gaullists - to join a hypothetic regionalist grouping in European Parliament.

First international contacts between Liberals date back to just after the First World War with the creation of the Liberal World Union in 1924. Regular meetings among Liberals began in 1947 within the Liberal International, which at once published the «Oxford Manifesto» reaffirming basic liberal principles. Among the subjects discussed: the European integration. Another contribution to the European cooperation was made by the Liberal Movement for a United Europe, created by the Belgian liberal leader Roger Motz. At a congress in Stuttgart in March 1976 a Federation of Liberals and Democrats was officially created. Fourteen parties initially joined the Federation, two however dropped out. In November 1976 at a Congress in The Hague, first preparations were made for a European election programme, which was approved in Brussels in November 1977, at the conclusion of a democratie consultation of all parties. This programme maps out a number of liberal ideas on the future cooperation in Europe in various fields of activity. There were no major divergencies between the various member-parties of the Federation. It is identical in its contents for all ELD parties.