This article draws on Hans Kelsen’s theory of democracy to argue that, contrary to conventional wisdom, there is nothing fundamentally wrong with the democratic legitimacy of either the European Union (EU) or the European Court of Justice (ECJ). The legitimacy problems from which the EU in general and the ECJ in particular are alleged to suffer seem to result mainly from our rigid adherence to the outdated conception of democracy as popular self-legislation. Because we tend to approach the Union’s political and judicial practice from the perspective of this democracy conception, we are not able to observe what is blindingly obvious, that is, the viability and persistence of both this mega-leviathan and the highest court thereof. It is, therefore, imperative that we modernize and adjust our conception of democracy in order to comprehend the new reality to which these bodies have given rise, rather than to call for ‘reforms’ in a futile attempt to bring this reality into accordance with our ancient preconceptions about what democratic governance ought to be. Kelsen is the democratic theorist whose work has enabled us to venture into that direction.

This paper critiques the EU’s new la won maternity leave by contextualizing it in the historical development of EU law as well as in feminist criticism. It arguaes in favour of generous paid maternity leave provisions based on economic and psychological arguments. It then examines the likely impact of an extension of maternity leave a the EU level on member states. Finally, it studies the Family and Medical Leave Act of the United States to reveal the insufficiencyof its maternity leave provisions, especially when compared to the generous provisions in current EU law. This paper arrives at the conclusion that new mothers, be they Europeans or Americans, can and should be able to reconcile their wort and family obligations.

The article uses the 2009 decision of the German Constitutional Court on the Lisbon Treaty as a basis for an analysis of the relationship between EU law and Member State law, especially Member State constitutions. The authors argue that an uncritical openness of Member States to supremacy of EU law and the interpretations made of it by the European Court of Justice is not necessary but rather an analytical attitude towards the development of EU with active legal argumentation to protect the rule of law – a deliberative supranationalism. A constitutional dialogue between Member States and the EU is the best protection and promoter of rule of law. The constitutional discussions in Estonia are used as an illustration of the balancing of national constitutional principles and supremacy or EU law.

Contemporary literature on the use of force has been saturated with arguments and counter arguments relating to the extant regime of the use of force as it should relate to non-state actors. The discussions have however proceeded on the assumption that the problem of the unregulated use of force by non-state entities is limited to group of persons – unorganised non-state actors – pursuing legitimate or non-legitimate agenda. The arguments seems to overlook the existence of a group of States (organised non-state actors) – international organisations – which pose even greater threat to the Charter paradigm of the use of force than unorganised non-state actors. This article discusses the Charter regime on the use of force with particular attention to organised non-state actors and the challenges they posed to the prohibition of the use of force.

Sweden, as well as many of the other member states of the European Union, has transformed into multicultural societies. In these increasingly culturally differentiated societies demands are raised by immigrant groups for the recognition of their cultural identity and uniqueness. Minority customs may in some cases conflict with fundamental values in the state law. In this article the author is elaborating on the Swedish private international law rules and the multicultural dilemma in relation to the Islamic law of inheritance, which is often considered to belong to those areas of the Islamic law that express principles that are incompatible with the core values of Swedish law.

This article explores the dynamics between external and domestic factors in legal reform in transition countries as demonstrated by the case of Ukrainian company law reform. Contrary to theoretical explanations pointing to the primacy of external supply and incentives, we locate the determinants of legal change firmly in the domestic arena. We conceptualise domestic factors using a political science framework regarding the role of veto players parliamentary factions and related informal business actors. The analysis supports the critical law and development literature in underlying the importance of the demand for law by such players. This demand, however, affects not just the implementation process but is critically expressed in the strategic use of formal legislative reform.

Before Cartesio, the case law of the European Court of Justice on freedom of establishment mainly considered company immigration situations, i.e. legal entities moving into another Member State. Cartesio is the first major ruling on company emigration since the 1988 decision in Daily Mail. Consequently, much was expected from Cartesio, notably that it would confirm a company’s right to directly invoke its freedom of establishment in emigration scenarios. However, this was not the case. Although Cartesio introduced some new concepts into the freedom of establishment case law like the concept of company conversion, the freedom of establishment actually took a step backward. This effectively resulted in almost complete disregard of the freedom of establishment in emigration situations - unlike in immigration situations. This partial denial of freedom of establishment, one of the fundamental freedoms of Community law, would seem urge the continuation of work on the new 14th Company Law Directive. In light of the current ECJ case law, only a legislative approach would seem suitable to guarantee non-discrimination in the ongoing regulatory competition between Member States which apply the registered seat theory and those which apply the administrative (real) seat theory.

With the development of society, new agricultural technologies have been widely introduced and effectively applied to agricultural cultivation. Agricultural productive capacity has greatly improved and the world’s food producers are capable of providing all the people on this planet with sufficient food to satisfy everyday dietary needs for a healthy life. Ironically, food insecurity continues to be a critical issue in the contemporary world. More than 923 million people suffer from chronic hunger, malnutrition or related diseases, and this number grows with continually rising food prices. This article responds to the current food insecurity by addressing a new issue: is there any legal basis for both the international community and national governments to protect vulnerable people from hunger and malnutrition?

Guyana, South America, is a former colony of Britain and the only English-speaking country in South America, but has more in common with its English-speaking Caribbean neighbours. Constitutional reform and resulting constitutional amendments were precipitated in 1999-2000 by civil unrest following national elections and dissatisfaction by the major opposition with the outcome of an election characterized by ethnic differences between respective supporters of parties backed by followers of traditionally Indian, African and Amerindian origin. This process was a brokered effort to ameliorate the national dissatisfaction and an opportunity for civil society representatives and political representatives of the unicameral House of Parliament to work together in recommending electoral and constitutional reform. The outcome was the radical reform and modernization of the constitutional entrenchment of the modern concepts of international human rights law. In this regard Guyana is ahead of the other sister nations of the Caribbean, CARICOM grouping in terms of constitutional advancements. However, the political will to realize far-reaching electoral and governance reforms, as well as the effective implementation of the entrenched human rights reforms, still lags behind, despite the amendment of the constitution, the appointment of several commissions and the establishment of a parliamentary oversight committee tasked with continuous constitution review.

The application of international humanitarian law by States is necessarily dependent on factors such as “interests” as well as certain “qualities” of States, such as size or wealth. Despite their contractual undertakings, nations fully apply the jus in bello under the terms of a particular formula. This article depicts this formula in a very rudimentary manner, positing that compliance is measureable and corresponds to a number which is derived by adding a State’s interests and qualities.

“Good Governance” is a term used worldwide to measure, analyse and compare, mainly quantitatively and qualitatively, but not exclusively, public governments, for the purpose of qualifying them for international developmental aid, for improving government and administration domestically, etc.
In Section A the use of the key term is explained more thoroughly; Section B lists goals and effects of governance from the international, supranational (European) and national perspective; Section C contains guidelines for governance as vested in constitution and law and Section D describes the main instruments and tools to work on better governance.

This article discusses the position and powers of Kosovo’s Civil Service Oversight Board, mainly from a legal perspective. The article describes the reforms undertaken upon the Board and the civil service in Kosovo, while illustrating the central pillars of concern in regard to both the international presence and domestic institutions in Kosovo. The article then explains the three reforms and reviews each of the main legal changes the Board and the civil system have experienced, respectively. The last section of the article comprises an institutional review of the powers and the position of the current framework on the Civil Service Oversight Board, while allowing a part of the article to question its independence and pluralism. The article culminates with policy suggestions that would make the work of the Board, and the entire civil service, more independent and accountable to its mission.

The article outlines the problems with stabilization provisions in national oil or gas legislation with regard to the difficulty of governments to implement legislation to develop its economic, social and environmental regimes. It also seeks to provide a potential guideline for legislative drafters in order to address the problems wrought by stabilization provisions, in national oil or gas legislation, through the use of economic balancing provisions. The article further gives tools for legislative drafters to use when drafting economic balancing provisions.