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Research Note

Beleidscoherentie voor ontwikkeling: een multicausale aanpak

Journal Res Publica, Issue 2 2016
Authors Joren Verschaeve, Sarah Delputte and Jan Orbie
Author's information

Joren Verschaeve
Joren Verschaeve is doctorassistent in het Centrum voor EU-Studies van de Universiteit Gent. Zijn onderzoek focust voornamelijk op het EU-ontwikkelingsbeleid.

Sarah Delputte
Sarah Delputte is doctorassistent in het Centrum voor EU-Studies van de Universiteit Gent. Haar onderzoek focust op het ontwikkelingsen klimaatbeleid van de EU.

Jan Orbie
Jan Orbie is hoofddocent aan de Vakgroep Politieke Wetenschappen en directeur van het Centrum voor EU-Studies aan de Universiteit Gent. Zijn onderzoek focust voornamelijk op het externe beleid van de EU.
Research Note

Bronnen en legitimiteit van financiële liberalisering

Journal Res Publica, Issue 3 2012
Authors Brian Burgoon, Panicos Demetriadis and Geoffrey Underhill
Author's information

Brian Burgoon
Brian Burgoon is hoogleraar internationale en vergelijkende politieke economie verbonden aan de Universiteit van Amsterdam. Zijn onderzoek is gericht op politieke reacties op economische globalisering.

Panicos Demetriadis
Panicos Demetriades is hoogleraar financiële economie verbonden aan de afdeling Economie van University of Leicester. Zijn onderzoek is gericht op het ontwerpen en functioneren van financiële markten.

Geoffrey Underhill
Geoffrey Underhill is hoogleraar ‘global governance’ verbonden aan de afdeling Politicologie van de Universiteit van Amsterdam. Zijn onderzoek is gericht op de politieke economie van financiële en monetaire beleid en samenwerking.

Het nut van internationale congressen

Journal Res Publica, Issue 2 2012
Authors Marcel Wissenburg, Patrick Stouthuysen and Hans Keman
Author's information

Marcel Wissenburg
Marcel Wissenburg is hoogleraar politieke theorie en voorzitter van de Sectie Bestuurskunde en Politicologie aan de Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen, en Visiting Professor aan de Universiteit Keele.

Patrick Stouthuysen
Patrick Stouthuysen is hoogleraar politicologie aan de Vrije Universiteit Brussel.

Hans Keman
Hans Keman is hoogleraar vergelijkende politicologie aan de Vrije Universiteit in Amsterdam.

Coalitiesteun in Antwerpen, Hasselt en Oostkamp

De invloed van politieke ontevredenheid, politiek wantrouwen en etnocentrisme vergeleken

Journal Res Publica, Issue 4 2007
Authors Marc Swyngedouw, Koen Abts and Jarl Kampen
AbstractAuthor's information

    In this paper we investigate the effects of political dissatisfaction, political distrust and ethnocentrism on support to the incumbent coalition in three different municipalities in Flanders. Theoretically, we define the concept of political trust, at which it is differentiated from political satisfaction and political alienation. At the same time, four dimensions of political distrust are disentangled: competence, integrity, responsiveness and justice. Empirically, four research questions may be distinguished. First, we investigate whether political satisfaction, political trust and ethnocentrism have an independent effect on support to the ruling majority. Second, we check whether there are differential effects of the dimensions of political trust on the dependent variable in the different municipalities.Third, we try to connect the micro-level data with macro-level, by linking the results with the characteristics of the local government and the party system. Fourth, we examine the influence of the presence of extreme right.

Marc Swyngedouw
Hoogleraar aan het Centrum voor Sociologisch Onderzoek (CeSO-K.U.Leuven).

Koen Abts
Wetenschappelijk medewerker aan het CeSO (K.U.Leuven).

Jarl Kampen
Postdoctoraal onderzoeker aan de Vakgroep Politieke Wetenschappen (V.U.Brussel).

Belgian Politics in 2006

Journal Res Publica, Issue 2-3 2007
Authors Sam Depauw and Mark Deweerdt
Author's information

Sam Depauw
Postdoctoral Fellow of the Fund for Scientific Research – Flanders at the KU Leuven.

Mark Deweerdt
MA in Political Science.

Stille revolutie, contra-revolutie of cultureel conflict?

Veranderingen in de politieke cultuur en hun invloed op het verband tussen klassenpositie en stemgedrag

Journal Res Publica, Issue 4 2006
Authors Jeroen Van der Waal and Peter Achterberg
AbstractAuthor's information

    This paper deals with the linkage between changes in the political culture and changes in class-party alignments. First, we investigate how the political culture in Western countries has changed over time. Three views are tested using data on party-manifestos. The first predicts that only new-leftist issues will increase in salience. The second predicts that both new-leftist and new-rightist issues will emerge at the same time. The third, which is empirically corroborated, predicts that first new-leftist issues will emerge followed by a rise in new rightist issues.
    Second, we investigate how the emergence of these new issues has affected the traditional class-party alignments. We show that the middle class increasingly votes left-wing as newleftist issues become more important and that the working class increasingly votes rightwing as new-rightist issues become more important. The middle class also appears to alienate from the traditional party of their class as new-rightist issues rise in salience.

Jeroen Van der Waal
Onderzoeker aan de vakgroep Sociologie, Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam en aan de Amsterdam School for Social Research.

Peter Achterberg
Onderzoeker aan de vakgroep Sociologie, Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam en aan de Amsterdam School for Social Research.

Belgian Politics in 2005

Journal Res Publica, Issue 2-3 2006
Authors Sam Depauw and Mark Deweerdt
Author's information

Sam Depauw
Postdoctoral Fellow of the Fund for Scientific Research – Flanders at the University of Leuven.

Mark Deweerdt
Political Journalist of De Tijd.

Populisme en de ambivalentie van het egalitarisme

Hoe rijmen sociaal zwakkeren een rechtse partijvoorkeur met hun sociaal-economische attitudes?

Journal Res Publica, Issue 4 2005
Authors Anton Derks
AbstractAuthor's information

    The decline of traditional class voting is at the centre of the Class Politics debate. From the framework of traditional class analysis a labourer’s right wing vote appears ‘unnatural’. A right wing vote is thought to damage the interests of the economically precarious groups. This paper attempts to understand the phenomenon of so-called unnatural voting behaviour starting from the populism concept. From a theoretical literature study we analyse the relationship between populism and attitudes regarding the economic left-right cleavage. We argue that right-wing populism appeals to a cry for equality, yet at the same time mobilises this sentiment against the institutions of the welfare state. In that way populist right parties succeed in attuning their economic discourse to the socio-economic attitudes of broad layers of the population, including economically precarious categories. The empirical relevance of this hypothesis is tested on the case of Flanders.

Anton Derks
Postdoctoraal Onderzoeker FWO-Vlaanderen aan de Vrije Universiteit Brussel.

Belgian Politics in 2004

Journal Res Publica, Issue 2-3 2005
Authors Sam Depauw and Mark Deweerdt
Author's information

Sam Depauw
Postdoctoral Fellow of the Fund for Scientific Research-Flanders at the University of Leuven.

Mark Deweerdt
Political Journalist of De Tijd.

La politique européenne de la Belgique

Les années 1970-1996: entre orthodoxie et pragmatisme

Journal Res Publica, Issue 2 1998
Authors Christian Franck

    The 1969-72 period has shown an evolution in the belgian european policy. White instituional orthodoxy and federalist teleology had prevailed in the sixties, some pragmatism has been added since Prime minister Gaston Eyskens met President Pompidou in Paris in june 1972. Belgium accepts the launching of a cooperation among the national foreign policies outside the sphere of the EC institutions; regular summits of heads of government are also agreed on. Pragmatism doesn't weaken however the belgian concerns about orthodoxy. Belgian diplomacy is claiming a twofold orthodoxy. The "de lege fata" one insists on the compliance of the institutional practises with the legal provisions of the Treaties and on the extension of the scope of the EC policies by using the faculty provided by art. 235 EC. The constant refusal of the so called "compromis de Luxembourg" and the recurrent plea for the qualified majority voting, or the emphasis put on the powers of the Commission illustrate this kind of orthodoxy. The "de lege ferenda" orthodoxy consists of preventing institutional evolutions from closing the road to the long term federalist aims belgian diplomacy is still working towards for European integration. Hence some dilemmas between pragmatism on short term issues and some dogmatic rigidities which refer to the federalist finality. The discussion about twofold orthodoxy is grounded on a belgian positions' analysis on european affairs which covers the period from the end of the sixties to the belgian positions at the 1996 IGC. By the future perspective of a broader EU enlargement, Belgium will also face a new challenge: will its relative political weight be decreasing in the same time theUnion will extend? Which will be the price for accepting less Belgium in a larger Union?

Christian Franck

De Euro-Belgische ambtenaren

Een paradoxale prestatie

Journal Res Publica, Issue 2 1998
Authors Guido Dierickx

    The Belgian civil servants who are involved in the working groups of the European Council of Ministers on a full-time basis are a small elite corps which is hardly typical for the Belgian civil service as a whole. Most of its members belong to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs or to other ministries as these have delegates in the Permanent Representation. Their responsibilities too are rather different from those of the normal Belgian civil servant. The latter are typically engaged in the implementation of the policies designed by their political masters, the farmer are largely autonomous policy makers and negotiators, though mostly in matters of minor political importance. In one regard though, these Euro-Belgians are still recognizable as typically Belgian. Their political culture is characterized, tough to a lesser degree than that of the other senior civil servants in Belgium, by a technocratism which is very distrustful of political actors and by a remarkable level of distrust of their organisational infrastructure. Such a culture should lead to a poor performance in the working groups of the Council of Ministers. But it does not. That is the paradox this contribution intends to examine.

Guido Dierickx

From work sharing to temporal flexibility

working time policy in Belgium 1975-1990

Journal Res Publica, Issue 1 1992
Authors Jens Bastian

    The article focuses on working time policies introduced in Belgium during the period 1975-1990. As a country with early mass-unemployment, the magnitude of the unfolding Labour market problems fostered a specific set of responsive strategies. The initial trajectory of Belgian working time policies was centered around cutting standard weekly working hours in order to enhance Labour market effects. In the course of a marked issue transformation, work sharing objectives were substituted by the notion of temporal flexibility which focused primarily on concerns for and changes in the economie performance of individual firms. The author outlines various structural features of the Belgian socio-economic system and argues that these profoundly affected the goals identified with working time policies as much as the actor constellations endorsing the respective measures.

Jens Bastian

Les avatars du marxisme

Journal Res Publica, Issue 2 1987
Authors Simon Petermann

    Marxism has been for a long time the reference of the European Worker's Movement. It took the form of a millenarist faith and was embodied in large organizations. Orthodox marxism had no more reason for existence when the working class was integrated in the modern society. Communism gave a new inspiration but at the expense of an intellectual degeneration. When it became a state religion, marxism stopped to be creative and became a Gnosis. The varied forms of leftisms which emerged in the sixties are the last avatar of marxism in the developped countries. But they have only a remote relationship with Marx's doctrine. The same process took place in the Third World where the marxist-leninist vulgate was absorbed by nationalism.

Simon Petermann

    The fear that the border municipalities would be overwhelmed by the larger entity of the central city of Ghent was countered by a number of accompanying measures such as the stimulation of organised activities, the offering of opportunities for participation, and the provision of decentralised services. The equitable representation of the sub-municipalities in the new administrative organs and the opportunities for contact that derived therefrom reassured the residents of the outskirts. The effortwas made with the reorganisation of the municipal apparatus to achieve a balance between external decentralisation and internal centralisation. In spite of an increasingly difficult financial situation, Ghent has succeeded 'up till now in maintaining a balanced budget. The amalgamation certainly had a negative impact in this regard, probably primarily because of the increased personnel costs. The amalgamation of the Ghent agglomeration can, however, be considered a success. The preparatory time for such a profound reorganisation was too brief, however. An adequate administrative model, rationalisation of the financial situation, application of the municipal law, and implementation of modern working methods are factors that loom large for the optimisation of the developmental chances of an amalgamated large city.

Placide De Paepe

De samenvoeging van de gemeenten

Het kader van een onvoltooid gebleven hervormingsproces

Journal Res Publica, Issue 3-4 1982
Authors Rudolf Maes

    In Belgium, the number of municipalities was reduced from 2,663 to 596 by means of amalgamation. In the sketching of the framework of this reform, attention is first of all given to the manner in which the consensus required for it could be obtained. At the same time, the criteria employed and the pragmaticapplication thereof are investigated. Then, the new municipal division is tested for the motives and objectives that lay at the foundation of this reform. The expectations involved were in large measure, related to the effects that were seen as the inherent consequence of the expansion of the territorial scale of the municipalities. Finally, this reform is tested with respect to other than territorial components of the municipal administrative power. The reform remains incomplete on several points. This appears, for example, from the continuing absence of functional reforms with regard to decentralisation and from the lack of attention for the adjustment of the municipal working rules both in the area of effective administration as wellt as in the area of open and democratie administration.

Rudolf Maes

    Studying the Belgian military and foreign policy from 1934 till 1937, one can conclude to the following working hypotheses. The conflict between the King (and His entourage) and the Cabinet about the competency over military policy and military command has had a large influence on the acute phase of the Question Royale 1940-1950. The policy of independence of 1936 which has been imputed later on to the King and for which He has been blamed, is rather contained in the military and foreign policy of the successive Belgian governments from 1930 on, inspired by Paul Hymans, minister of foreign affairs at that time.

Guido Provoost

    The interrelation between the development of political institutions and the processes of scientific-technical revolution is twofold. On the one hand, there must exist the political preconditions of the rapid change in science and technology. On the other hand, the processes of rapid scientific and technical change produce important consequences in the politica life.From the point of view of the economic structure of the country, Poland has reached the threshold of scientific-technical revolution; it now depends on the political conditions whether the country wilt be able to achieve the stage of high technological development in reasonably short time.Three changes in the functioning of political institutions are directly related to the processes of scientific-technical revolution: they are changes in the system of management on all levels of authority, changes in the circulation of informations and development of autonomic structures of decision-making. Indirectly, however, other changes in the system of political institutions influence the processes of scientific and technological change. Two variants of future developments of the political institutions are discussed in this context: that of a rationalized centralism and the one of democratic self-management. The author expresses the opinion thatboth these variants would constitute conditions for rapid scientific and technological transformations but he favours the strategy of combining the strong elements of both and eliminating their weaknesses.In the second part of the paper, the author discusses the consequences of scientific-technological revolution for the political institutions. Five major factors could be hypothetically identified: 1° changes in classstructure and social stratification, particularly in the direction of increased role of the professional stratum and the increase of educational level of the working class; 2° further political integration of the nation; 3° changesin the culture of work, increase of social discipline, and higher assessment of collective and individual efficacy of the Poles; 4° achievement of the higher standard of living and on the basis of it leveling of economicinequalities; 5° increase of the amount of leisure time. All these changes wilt result in the formation of better and more harmonious society, which in its turn wilt make it both possible and necessary to considerablyincrease the scope of democratic self-management in all spheres of sociopolitical life. Potential restraints to this process may result from the inertia of old political institutions and/or from technocratic tendenciesamong some segments of the aparatus. Neither, however, is likely to become strong enough to stop the processes of democratic self-management. The main changes in the direction of greater self-management will include: 1° development of various forms of direct democracy on local levels; 2° development of organizations which represent interests of varioussegments of the society; 3° bettering of the representative institutions (Parliament and local councils); 4° further differentiation between administrative and political authorities and further democratization of the latter; 5° deepening of the leading role of the Communist party combined with development of its internal democracy.

Jerzy J. Wiatr
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