COVID-19 has hit many countries all over the world, and its impact on (party) politics has been undeniable. This crisis situation functions as an opportunity structure incentivising opposition forces to support the government. Not much is known about what drives opposition parties to (not) support the government in crisis situations. This article integrates the literature on rally-around-the-flag, political opportunity structures, party types and party goals. More specifically, we focus on the behaviour of opposition parties towards the government’s crisis response to the COVID-19 pandemic. We analyse whether and how the party type influences the position of the party vis-à-vis the governmental coalition, focusing on the case of Belgium. We categorise the seven opposition parties in Belgium as challenger or mainstream parties and explain their behaviour on the basis of policy-, office- or vote-seeking motives. Our analysis is based on party voting behaviour, elite interviews and an analysis of the main plenary debates. |
Search result: 55 articles
The search results will be filtered on:Journal Politics of the Low Countries x
Article |
Opposition in Times of COVID-19 – To Support or Not to Support? |
Journal | Politics of the Low Countries, Issue 2 2021 |
Keywords | minority government, rally-around-the-flag, COVID-19, mainstream parties, challenger parties, opposition, party goals |
Authors | Britt Vande Walle, Wouter Wolfs and Steven Van Hecke |
AbstractAuthor's information |
Article |
‘Think Like Me, and I Will Trust You’The Effects of Policy Opinion Congruence on Citizens’ Trust in the Parliament |
Journal | Politics of the Low Countries, Issue 3 2021 |
Keywords | political representation, parliaments, opinion congruence, political trust, public opinion |
Authors | Awenig Marié and David Talukder |
AbstractAuthor's information |
Do citizens with a lower level of political representation evaluate political actors more negatively? While the literature has documented inequalities in political representation, less attention has been given to the extent to which different levels of representation affect citizens’ levels of political trust. We aimed to fill this gap by analysing whether Belgian citizens with a lower level of policy opinion congruence with their party’s legislators have lower levels of trust in the parliament. Our results show that policy opinion congruence has a positive impact on citizens’ political attitudes. Indeed, citizens with policy preferences closer to those of their political representatives tend to have higher levels of trust in the parliament. This relationship depends on political sophistication: policy opinion congruence affects political trust for most citizens except those who consider themselves to be ‘very interested’ in politics. Citizens with a very high level of interest in politics trust the parliament regardless of policy opinion congruence with their party’s legislators. |
Research Note |
Peer Assessment in ParliamentPromises and Pitfalls of a Marginalised Method in Parliamentary Research |
Journal | Politics of the Low Countries, Issue 3 2021 |
Authors | Richard Schobess |
AbstractAuthor's information |
Peer assessment is a rather marginalised method in political research. This research note argues that the collective expertise of MPs can complement other data to contribute to more comprehensive evaluations of MPs’ parliamentary work. Yet, this method is potentially flawed by low survey participation and rater bias among MPs. The experience with a peer assessment survey among members of three Belgian parliaments shows that participation does not necessarily need to be problematic. However, the empirical analysis suggests that scholars should control for various forms of rater bias. |
Article |
|
Journal | Politics of the Low Countries, Issue 3 2021 |
Keywords | parliamentary committees, legislative organisation |
Authors | Tim Mickler |
AbstractAuthor's information |
In this article I analyse whether differences in formal committee structures affect how parliamentary actors organise their work within them. I compare the allocation of members to specialised committees in the Dutch House of Representatives (Tweede Kamer) and the Belgian Chamber of Representatives (Kamer van Volksvertegenwoordigers/Chambre des Représentants) to test whether committee assignments are given more serious consideration when committees are strong. Despite many similarities, both parliaments differ in their internal institutional arrangements: committees in the Chamber of Representatives are, at least formally, considerably more powerful than those in the Dutch Lower House. The article uses the congressional theories of legislative organisation as heuristic devices to deduce several rationales of the assignment process. The role of parliamentary party groups is highlighted. The results indicate the presence of stable, reoccurring patterns in both parliaments. Even in the House of Representatives, where committees present lower opportunity structures, assignments are given due consideration. |
Article |
Cancelling proposed debatesAgenda Setting, Issue Ownership and Anti-elitist Parliamentary Style |
Journal | Politics of the Low Countries, Issue 3 2021 |
Keywords | agenda-setting, parliaments, anti-elitism, issue-ownership |
Authors | Simon Otjes and Roy Doedens |
AbstractAuthor's information |
The Dutch Tweede Kamer is unique among parliaments because here the agenda is actually determined in a public, plenary meeting of all MPs. In the Dutch Tweede Kamer 30 members of parliament (MPs) can request a plenary debate. Many opposition parties request these debates, but only 23% of these are actually held. We examine the question ‘under what conditions do political party groups cancel or maintain proposals for minority debates?’ as a way to gain insight into the black box of parliamentary agenda setting. We examine two complementary explanations: issue competition and parliamentary style. We trace all 687 minority debates that were proposed between 2012 and 2021 in the Netherlands. This allows us to see what proposals for debates MPs make and when they are retracted. We find strong evidence that anti-elitist parties maintain more debate proposals than do other parties |
Editorial |
Parliaments in the Low Countries: Representing Divided Societies |
Journal | Politics of the Low Countries, Issue 3 2021 |
Authors | Benjamin de Vet and Tom Louwerse |
Author's information |
Article |
Performing the COVID-19 Crisis in Flemish Populist Radical-Right DiscourseA Case Study of Vlaams Belang’s Coronablunderboek |
Journal | Politics of the Low Countries, Issue 2 2021 |
Keywords | populism, COVID-19, crisis, discourse |
Authors | Jens Meijen |
AbstractAuthor's information |
In June 2020, the Flemish populist radical right party Vlaams Belang (VB) published the Corona Blunder Book (CBB; Coronablunderboek in Dutch), detailing the government’s mistakes in handling the COVID-19 crisis. Populist parties can ‘perform’ crisis by emphasising the mistakes made by opponents (Moffitt, 2015) and may use a specifically populist discursive style, consisting largely of aggressive and sarcastic language (Brubaker, 2017). This paper takes the CBB as a case study in the populist performance of crisis and the populist style, finding that the book is, first, a clear example of populist ‘everyman’ stylistics and the performance of crisis, and, second, that VB uses the book to shift the COVID-19 crisis from a public health crisis to a crisis of governance, seeking to blame Belgium’s federal structure for the government’s alleged mismanagement of the COVID-19 pandemic and hence arguing for Flemish independence, one of the party’s main agenda points. |
Article |
The Praise for a ‘Caretaker’ LeaderGendered Press Coverage of Prime Minister Sophie Wilmès in a COVID-19 Context |
Journal | Politics of the Low Countries, Issue 2 2021 |
Keywords | political leadership, crisis, care, Belgium, gendered media coverage |
Authors | Clémence Deswert |
AbstractAuthor's information |
Studies on media coverage of women politicians have underlined how the media contribute to the association of the figure of the political leader with masculinity. Yet, the social construction of leadership seems to evolve towards a more ‘femininity-inclusive’ definition. Research on the ‘glass cliff’ phenomenon suggests that stereotypical feminine attributes might be expected from political leaders in a time of crisis. We investigated the gendered construction of political leadership in the press in a COVID-19 context through the case of former Belgian Prime minister Sophie Wilmès. In line with the ‘think crisis-think female’ association, our discourse analysis shows an appreciation of traditionally feminine traits, and particularly care-related qualities, in the evaluation of what a ‘good’ leader should be in pandemic times, although some characteristics traditionally associated with masculinity are still considered valuable assets in the journalistic portrayal of Wilmès’ leadership. |
PhD Review |
Allied Against Austerity Transnational Cooperation in European Anti-Austerity MovementPhD by Bernd Bonfert (Radboud University Nijmegen), supervisors: Angela Wigger & Laura Horn |
Journal | Politics of the Low Countries, Issue 2 2021 |
Authors | Mònica Clua-Losada |
Author's information |
Article |
|
Journal | Politics of the Low Countries, Issue 2 2021 |
Keywords | COVID-19, crisis-management, democratic compensators, exceptionalism |
Authors | Tom Massart, Thijs Vos, Clara Egger e.a. |
AbstractAuthor's information |
Since January 2020, European countries have implemented a wide range of restrictions to contain the COVID-19 pandemic. Yet governments have also implemented democratic compensators in order to offset the negative impacts of restrictions. This article aims to account for the variation of their use between Belgium, the Netherlands and France. We analyse three drivers: the strength of counterpowers, the ruling parties’ ideological leanings and political support. Building on an original data set, our results distinguish between embedded and ad hoc compensators. We find that ad hoc compensators are championed mainly by counterpowers, but also by ideology of the ruling coalitions in Belgium and the Netherlands and used strategically to maintain political support in France. Evidence on the link between embedded compensators and counterpowers is more ambiguous. |
PhD Review |
Pragmatic Citizens – A Bottom-Up Perspective on Participatory PoliticsPhD by Hannah Werner (KU Leuven and Universiteit van Amsterdam), supervisors: Sofie Marien, Wouter van der Brug & Marc Hooghe |
Journal | Politics of the Low Countries, Issue 2 2021 |
Authors | Anna Kern |
Author's information |
PhD Review |
Economic Insecurity and Populist Radical Right VotingPhD by Take Sipma (Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen), supervisors: M. Lubbers & N. Spierings |
Journal | Politics of the Low Countries, Issue 2 2021 |
Authors | Eelco Harteveld |
Author's information |
Editorial |
Politics in the Low Countries in COVID-19 Times |
Journal | Politics of the Low Countries, Issue 2 2021 |
Authors | Luana Russo and Min Reuchamps |
Author's information |
Editorial |
|
Journal | Politics of the Low Countries, Issue 1 2021 |
Authors | Min Reuchamps and Luana Russo |
Author's information |
Article |
The Impact of VAAs on Vote Switching at the 2019 Belgian Legislative ElectionsMore Switchers, but Making Their Own Choices |
Journal | Politics of the Low Countries, Issue 1 2021 |
Keywords | voting advice applications, vote switching, vote choice, elections and electoral behaviour, voters/citizens in Belgium, VAA |
Authors | David Talukder, Laura Uyttendaele, Isaïa Jennart e.a. |
AbstractAuthor's information |
During electoral campaigns, the use of voting advice applications (VAAs) has become increasingly widespread. Consequently, scholars have examined both the patterns of usage and their effects on voting behaviour. However, existing studies lead to conflicting findings. In this article, we take a closer look at the effect of De Stemtest/Test électoral (a VAA developed by academics from the University of Louvain and the University of Antwerp, in partnership with Belgian media partners) on vote switching. More specifically, we divide this latter question into two sub-questions: (1) What is the impact of a (dis)confirming advice from the VAA on vote switching? (2) Do VAA users follow the voting advice provided by the VAA? Our study shows that receiving a disconfirming advice from the VAA increases the probability of users to switch their vote choice. |
Article |
|
Journal | Politics of the Low Countries, Issue 1 2021 |
Keywords | mediatization, politicians, news media, media perceptions, news management |
Authors | Pauline Ketelaars and Peter Van Aelst |
AbstractAuthor's information |
In the light of the broader debate on the mediatization of politics, this study wants to better understand how the media perceptions and media behaviour of politicians are related to their appearances in the news. We opt for an innovative actor-centred approach to actually measure the views and actions of individual politicians. We combine surveys conducted with 142 Belgian representatives with data on politicians’ external communication behaviour and on their appearances in television news, newspapers and news websites. The results show that media behaviour is not so much related to beliefs of media importance. We do find a significant positive relationship between strategic media behaviour and media attention suggesting that politicians who put in more effort appear more often in various news media. However, this positive relationship depends on the specific form of strategic communication and the political position of the legislator. Our study adds to the mediatization literature by showing how and when politicians are successful in obtaining media attention. |
Article |
Interest Representation in BelgiumMapping the Size and Diversity of an Interest Group Population in a Multi-layered Neo-corporatist Polity |
Journal | Politics of the Low Countries, Issue 1 2021 |
Keywords | interest groups, advocacy, access, advisory councils, media attention |
Authors | Evelien Willems, Jan Beyers and Frederik Heylen |
AbstractAuthor's information |
This article assesses the size and diversity of Belgium’s interest group population by triangulating four data sources. Combining various sources allows us to describe which societal interests get mobilised, which interest organisations become politically active and who gains access to the policy process and obtains news media attention. Unique about the project is the systematic data collection, enabling us to compare interest representation at the national, Flemish and Francophone-Walloon government levels. We find that: (1) the national government level remains an important venue for interest groups, despite the continuous transfer of competences to the subnational and European levels, (2) neo-corporatist mobilisation patterns are a persistent feature of interest representation, despite substantial interest group diversity and (3) interest mobilisation substantially varies across government levels and political-administrative arenas. |
Research Note |
Caretaker Cabinets in BelgiumA New Measurement and Typology |
Journal | Politics of the Low Countries, Issue 1 2021 |
Keywords | caretaker government, Belgium, cabinets, political crisis |
Authors | Régis Dandoy and Lorenzo Terrière |
AbstractAuthor's information |
Belgium is probably the world’s best known case of where caretaker governments reside. Yet a clear scholarly definition and measurement of this concept is missing. Based on a detailed analysis of the Belgian federal cabinets, this research note explores the main characteristics and measures the length of the various caretaker periods. We find that Belgium was governed for no less than 1,485 days by a caretaker government between 2007 and 2020, which equals more than four full calendar years. This research note also presents a novel typology of caretaker periods based on the institutional and political practice within the Belgian legislative and executive branches. This typology can be used to assess caretaker periods at other levels of government as well as in other countries in order to improve our understanding of the many ‘faces’ that a caretaker government can take on. |
Article |
Political Sophistication and Populist Party SupportThe Case of PTB-PVDA and VB in the 2019 Belgian Elections |
Journal | Politics of the Low Countries, Issue 3 2020 |
Keywords | populist voters, political sophistication, voting motivations, Belgium, elections |
Authors | Marta Gallina, Pierre Baudewyns and Jonas Lefevere |
AbstractAuthor's information |
In this article, we investigate the moderating role of political sophistication on the vote for populist parties in Belgium. Building on the literature about the diverse determinants of populist party support, we investigate whether issue considerations and populism-related motivations play a bigger role in the electoral calculus of politically sophisticated voters. |